The need to survive has become the most important thing for any married partners, not just for couples alone but for all.
To meet the demand of running a family, couples go into doing different jobs to make ends meet.
Most times, after a long day of work and duty, couples may come back home to eat, rest, and prepare for the next day without having to meet as they should.
Many factors may play a role in determining the number of times a husband and wife should meet in a month, some of these factors include.
- The nature of Job both couples do.
- The religious beliefs of both couples
- The emotional status of both Couples.
- The socialization perspective of both couples.
However, a husband and wife should make out quality time for the both of them to meet, couples should not prioritize money over the time they should spend together.
No written literature has standardized the number of times couples should meet in a month but for me, it will be appropriate for a husband and wife to meet more than fifteen times in a month.
Osei Kwame Despite Could Be The First Ghanaian To Become Africa’s Richest Billionaire
There seems to be some level of miscalculation with regard to popular lists released by known media organizations that rank Africa’s Richest People.
Maybe, they do not put Ghanaian Business Mogul, Dr Osei Kwame Despite on their radar, due to reasons best known to them. But if they do, he could be one of Africa’s Richest if not the Most Richest.
Yes, he could beat Nigeria’s Dangote to ascend the throne as the most bankable African Businessman.
Kwame Despite’s Businesses span across several industries; Media, FMCG, Real Estate & Construction, Banking & Finance, Insurance among others. He owns one of the biggest media conglomerates in Ghana – Despite Media Group.
The last time we checked Despite owns half of all the big storey-buildings in one of Accra’s most luxurious neighbourhoods, East Legon, and most of the buildings at Adum and Kejetia in Kumasi and Tudu in Accra, which are the two most popular market centers in Ghana.
Despite is currently the Chairman & CEO of Despite Group of Companies and Co-founder of Special Group of Companies which he co-owns with his brother, Dr Ernest Ofori Sarpong.
Now, looking at his Business interests, Despite seems to have tried a lot of Businesses during the early days of his life. Selling CDs and Cassette tapes on the street of Accra and Kumasi, managing musicians and movie actors and actresses to become the most respected Ghanaian Businessman spanning more than 3 decades. He believes in hard work, determination, and focuses as most of his peers know him for. With all his Businesses, Properties, and Wealth, he still strives for excellence in everything he does.
Aside that, Dr. Despite, 59, is one of the most popular personalities in Ghana. Although, he is not active on social media but he is one of the most celebrated Ghanaians on social media. On February 13th, 2020 Despite and his family became the biggest subject on social media when his first son, Kennedy Osei got married to his longtime girlfriend, Tracy, following the most talked about white wedding on Valentine’s Day. The wedding took the whole Africa by storm, as it was tipped as the most expensive wedding ever organized in Africa(According to Vibeweek and some other media outlets).
In his Personal life, Despite is blessed with 9 children, 5 boys, and 4 girls, according to reports. His first son, Kennedy Osei is the General Manager of Despite Media and Director of some part of his father’s companies. He recently gave birth to Twin daughters with his wife Tracy. The couple has set February, 13th 2021 for a ceremony to name the twins after his dad, who recently celebrated his 59th birthday. The event is said to be a private ceremony due to the COVID-19 pandemic.
Despite is also a notable philanthropist who has supported a lot of courses in Ghana and abroad. He has built facilities for Korle-Bu Teaching Hospital and the Komfo Anokye Hospital, which are the two biggest hospitals in his country, Ghana.
Few months after Ghana reported its first COVID-19 case, the Businessman together with his brother, Ernest Ofori Sarpong donated US$100,000 cash to the Komfo Anokye Teaching Hospital to help combat the deadly disease.
He is not known to have affiliated himself with any political party ever in his life. He has been supporting people from all the political parties in Ghana as he is friends with both leaders of the two main political parties in Ghana.
Why Judges Wear White Long Wigs In Court?
The British gave up their last colonies in Africa half a century ago. But they left their wigs behind. Not just any wigs. They are the long, white, horsehair locks worn by high court judges (and King George III). They are so old-fashioned and so uncomfortable, that even British barristers have stopped wearing them.
But in former British colonies — Kenya, Zimbabwe, Ghana, Malawi and others — they live on, worn by judges and lawyers. Now, a new generation of African jurists is asking: Why are the continent’s most prominent legal minds still wearing the trappings of the colonizers?
It’s not just a question of aesthetics. The wigs and robes are perhaps the most glaring symbol of colonial inheritance at a time when that history is being dredged up in all sorts of ways. This year, Tanzanian President John Magufuli described a proposed free-trade agreement with Europe as a “form of colonialism.” In Zimbabwe, former President Robert Mugabe referred to the British as “thieving colonialists.”
In June, the premier of the Western Cape province of South Africa was suspended from her party after writing on Twitter that modern health care was a colonial contribution.
The relics of colonialism are scattered across the continent. There are the queen’s namesakes: Victoria Falls north of Zimbabwe; Lake Victoria, bordering three countries in eastern Africa; Victoria Island in Nigeria. There is the left-lane driving, the cricket, the way public education is organised (not organized).
Most cities and streets have received new names since European rule ended. In 2013, Mugabe officially rebaptized Victoria Falls “Mosi Oa Tunya,” or “the smoke that thunders” in the Kololo language.
Yet the wig survives, along with other relics of the colonial courtroom: red robes, white bows, references to judges as “my lord” and “my lady.”
In nearly every former British colony, op-eds have been written and speeches made about why the wig ought to be removed. In Uganda, the New Vision newspaper conducted an investigation into the cost of the wigs, reporting that each one cost $6,500. In Ghana, a prominent lawyer, Augustine Niber, argued that removing wigs would reduce the “intimidation and fear that often characterize our courtrooms.”
One of the editors of the Nigerian Lawyer blog wrote that wigs weren’t made for the sweltering Lagos heat, where lawyers wilted under their garb. “The culture that invented wig and gown is different from our own and the weather is different,” Unini Chioma wrote.
Increasingly, though, opponents of the colonial outfit aren’t just arguing against inconvenience but against a tradition that African judiciaries appear to be embracing. Britain’s “colonial courts,” which preceded independence, were sometimes brutal. In response to Kenya’s Mau Mau rebellion in the 1950s, for example, the wigged white judges sentenced more than 1,000 people to death for conspiring against colonial rule.
In Kenya, former chief justice Willy Mutunga appealed to remove the wigs from the courtroom, arguing that they were a foreign imposition, not a Kenyan tradition. He swapped the traditional British red robes for “Kenyanized” green and yellow ones. He called the wigs “dreadful.”
But that outlook wasn’t shared by many Kenyan judges and lawyers, who saw the wigs and robes as their own uniforms, items that elevate a courtroom, despite — or because of — their colonial links.
“It was met with consternation from within the bench and the bar,” said Isaac Okero, president of the Law Society of Kenya.
Okero is a defender of the wig and the robe, and argues that they represent more than a British tradition, but something that distinguishes the country’s judges.
“I don’t feel at all that it has any negative connotation of colonialism. It has risen beyond that. It is a tradition of the Kenyan bar,” he said.
This year, Kenya’s new chief justice, David Maraga, has indicated that he wants to revert to the colonial traditions. During his swearing-in ceremony, he wore a long white wig and the British-style red robe. Many Kenyans were perplexed.
“It was his rather peculiar outfit that would send a resounding message to Kenyans,” said a broadcaster on KTN, one of the country’s most popular news channels. “It’s back to the old days.”
In Zimbabwe, still ruled by vehement anti-colonialist Mugabe, the wigs are perhaps most mystifying. Why would a man who stripped white farmers of their land, who railed against the name of Victoria Falls, allow an archaic judicial tradition to remain in place?
Some analysts say that the policy reveals something about Mugabe, the closet Anglophile, a fan of Dickens who once said cricket “civilizes people and creates good gentlemen.”
But Tsunga says that the rationale is more insidious.
“We are seeing post-independence African states trying to maintain these symbols of power and authority in the belief that it will help entrench themselves,” he said.
The curly horsehair wigs have been used in court since the 1600s, during the reign of Charles II, when they became a symbol of the British judicial system. Some historians say they were initially popularized by France’s King Louis XIV, who was trying to conceal his balding head.
By the 18th century, they were meant to distinguish judges and lawyers — and other members of the upper crust. Enter the word “bigwig” into the lexicon.
Other countries in the British Commonwealth, such as Australia and Canada, also inherited the wigs and robes but have moved toward removing them from courtrooms. An Australian chief justice last year demanded that barristers remove their wigs before addressing her.
“The abolition of wigs is all part of the progression towards a modern way,” said the chief justice, Marilyn Warren.
This year in Britain, the House of Commons lifted the requirement that clerks, who are experts in parliamentary law, wear wigs. John Bercow, the speaker, said the change would promote a “marginally less stuffy and forbidding image of this chamber.”
But aside from the wigs, African courts have adapted to a post-colonial context. New constitutions have been written. A new generation of judges has emerged. Even though some judiciaries have bent to political pressure, new legal systems are rooted in British common law but shaped by the traditions and cultures of their own countries.
In Kenya this month, the Supreme Court annulled the recent presidential election, a bold display of judicial independence that infuriated the sitting president.
In the Nairobi courtroom where the ruling was delivered, several lawyers wore their powdered wigs. Behind the bench, a row of men and women in red robes presided.
Maraga sat down before speaking, the sleeves of his black robe hanging over the bench.
“The greatness of a nation lies in its fidelity to its constitution,” he said, “and a strict adherence to the rule of law.”
“The colonial system used law as [an] instrument of repression, and we’re still maintaining this tradition without questioning it,” said Arnold Tsunga, director of the Africa program at the International Commission of Jurists. “It’s a disgrace to the modern courts of Africa.”
NDC Will Collapse Because of The Death Of Jerry John Rawlings
Ghanaians were faced with the sad news of the death of the first president of the fourth republic, Jerry John Rawlings, affectionately known as Papa J, after a short illness on 12th November 2020.
His death came as a big blow to the country, as it was the least the country was expected at this time. The former president ruled the country for almost two decades, beginning from 1989 to 2000. The former president is the founder of the country’s biggest opposition party, the National Democratic Congress (NDC), formerly the Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC) and later the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC)
Flt. Lt. Jerry John Rawlings is a very important name in the country’s political history and has been very instrumental in our democratic system of governance.
It is without any argument that the former president was the founder and life patron of the opposition NDC, and several members, supporters, and sympathizers of the party had their inspiration from the flamboyance, energy, and charisma of former President Flt. Lt. Jerry John Rawlings.
Therefore, the demise of the former president can be a big blow to the NDC, and likely to affect the future survival of the party. Since the existence of the former president Rawlings, who sealed the party with his own blood meant the existence of the opposition party, his demise may lead to the withdrawal of several people from the party, if the present crop of leaders do not manage things well.
At a party such as the NDC, people will surely get offended in one way or the other. But if things are not well managed, there will be no one to turn and talk to, to remedy issues. It can be recalled that the current leadership of the party have been severely criticized by former President Jerry John Rawlings before his death.
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